Abdulhadi Hairan - Afghan writer, research analyst, journalist, and translator

Posts Tagged ‘Pakistan’

Afghanistan, Analysis, Taliban

March 10, 2010

Experts Say Arrests of Taliban Leaders to Deflate Insurgency

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It all started in mid-February of this year when Mullah Baradar, the second in command of the Afghan insurgency, was captured in a joint raid conducted by CIA and Pakistani forces in Karachi, Pakistan’s biggest city where members of the Taliban’s leadership council were reportedly hiding after being shifted from Quetta. Afterwards, local and international media outlets reported more captures of high command Taliban leaders and shadow governors in different parts of the country. The latest of the series was the apprehension of Mohtasim Agha Jan, former Taliban finance minister and son-in-law of Mullah Omar. With this, it is said that at least seven important members of the leadership council are now in Pakistan’s detention.

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Afghanistan, Learning Pashto, پښتو

March 6, 2010

English proverbs (B) پښتو متلونه

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English Proverbs (A) پښتو متلونه

B

(428) Back again, like a bad penny.
(٤٢٨) بد عادتونه په اسانۍ سره نه ځي.
(429) Bad company is the devil’s net.
(٤٢٩) خراب ملګري د شېطان جال دى.
(430) Bad counsel confounds the adviser.
(٤٣٠) څوک چې اسمان ته لاړې توکي بېرته په هغه راپرېوځي.
(431) Bad customs are better broken up than kept up.
(٤٣١) د بدو رواجونو د پوره کولو نه پرېښودل غوره دي.
(432) Bad excuses are worse than none.
(٤٣٢) د درواغجنو بهانو نه يو “نه” ښه دى.
(433) Bald heads are soon shaven.
(٤٣٣) چې بخت خراب شي مصيبت صبر نه کوي.
(434) Barking dogs seldom bite.
(٤٣٤) چې ډېرې غوريږي هغه ورېږي نه.
(435) Bashfulness is an enemy to success.
(٤٣٥) په شرع کې شرم نيشته.
(436) Be a friend to thyself and others will be so too.
(٤٣٦) عزت کوه عزت به دې کېږي.
(437) Be always in time, too late is a crime.
(٤٣٧) چې ناوخته يې بدبخته يې.
(438) Be it weal or be it woe, it shall not be always so.
(٤٣٨) وختونه بدلېږي رابدلېږي، کله درياب کله کرياب.
(439) Be not ashamed of your handicraft.
(٤٣٩) په کار کې شرم نيشته.
(440) Be not the first to quarrel, nor the last to make it up.
(٤٤٠) په جنګ کې پېل مه کوه او په صلح کې ځنډ.
(441) Be spring in praising and more so in blaming.
(٤٤١) د چا ستاينه په احتياط کوه او نيوکه د هغې نه هم په زيات احتياط.
(442) Be surety, and danger is at hand.
(٤٤٢) ضمانت کې خطره خو وي.
(443) Be never so high, the law is above you.
(٤٤٣) د سر د پاسه سر شته.
(444) Bear and forbear.
(٤٤٤) د صبر مېوه خوږه وي.
(445) Beat the dot before the lion.
(٤٤٥) اول د مخامخ خطرې نه ځان خلاص کړه.
(446) Beauty and folly are often companion.
(٤٤٦) ښايست اکثر احمق وي.
(447) Beauty has a short date.
(٤٤٧) ښايست د ژمي ماځيګر دى تېر به شينه.
(448) Beauty is blossom.
(٤٤٨) د ګل عمر دوه ورځې وي.
(449) Beauty is potent but money is omnipotent.
(٤٤٩) ښکلا کې قوت شته خو د دولت قوت ته نه رسي.
(450) Beauty without grace is a violet without smell.
(٤٥٠) ښايست بې کماله لکه ګل بې خوشبويه.
(451) Bees that have honey in their mouth have stings in their tails.
(٤٥١) د ګل سره ازغي خامخا وي.
(452) Before old age my care was to live well, in old age, to die well.
(٤٥٢) په ځوانۍ کې د ښه ژوند او په پيرۍ کې د ښه مرګ فکر وي.
(453) Beggar’s bags are bottomless.
(٤٥٣) د سوالګر خېټه نه ډکېږي.
(454) Beggars must be no choosers.
(٤٥٤) زه دې دوکان ته نه پرېږدم ته وايې چې درانه يې وتله.
(455) Being on sea, sail; being on land, settle.
(٤٥٥) چې چېرې وسې په مذهب به د هغو شې.
(456) Believe that you have it, and you have it.
(٤٥٦) قناعت ستر دولت دى.
(457) Believe well and have well.
(٤٥٧) ښه کوه ښه به درسره کېږي.
(458) Bells call others to church, but enter not in themselves.
(٤٥٨) ملا بل ته مسئلې کوي پخپله پرې حملې کوي.
(459) Benefits please like flowers, while they are fresh.
(٤٥٩) ښه ژر هېرېږي.
(460) Best is best.
(٤٦٠) ښه ښه وي.
(461) Best is cheapest.
(٤٦١) چې نه پوهېږې ښه شى اخله.
(462) Best to bend while it’s twig.
(٤٦٢) عادتونه په ماشوموالي کې بدلېدى شي.
(463) Betrayers are hatred even by those whom they benefit.
(٤٦٣) غدار د هر چا بدي شي.
(464) Better a good expectation than a mean possession.
(٤٦٤) دنيا په امېد ولاړه ده.
(465) Better a penny with right than a thousand without.
(٤٦٥) يوه روپۍ حلاله د يو لک حرامو روپيو نه ښه ده.
(466) Better be alone than in ill company.
(٤٦٦) بدو خلکو سره د کېناستو نه ځانله ښه يې.
(467) Better be born lucky than wise.
(٤٦٧) عقل مه غواړه طالع غواړه رحمانه، عقلمند د طالعمنو نوکران دي.
(468) Better be half-hanged than ill-wed.
(٤٦٨) د بدلمنې ښځې نه لونډ ښه يې.
(469) Better be idle than ill-employed.
(٤٦٩) د بد کار کولو نه بېکاره ښه يې.
(470) Better be proficient in one art than smattered in a hundred.
(٤٧٠) په سلو کارونو کې د سر نښلولو نه د يو کار بشپړول ښه دي.
(471) Better deny at once than promise long.
(٤٧١) د نه پوره کېدونکو وعدو کولو نه “نه” کول ښه دي.
(472) Better do it than with it done.
(٤٧٢) د يو کار په باره کې د سوچ کولو نه ښه دا ده چې هغه کار وکړې.
(473) Better die once for all than live in continual terror.
(٤٧٣) د هرې ورځې د وېرې ډار نه مرګ ښه دى.
(474) Better go about than fall in a ditch.
(٤٧٤) په نېغه لار ځه که اوږده هم وي.
(475) Better go back than go wrong.
(٤٧٥) په غلطه لار د وړاندې تلو نه بېرته ستنېدل ښه دي.
(476) Better go to bed supperless than rice in debt.
(٤٧٦) په پور د خوړلو نه نهر ويده کېدل ښه دي.
(477) Better go to heaven in rags than to hell in embroidery.
(٤٧٧) د ناروا ګټې نه غريب ښه يې.
(478) Better go without medicine than call in an unskillful physician.
(٤٧٨) نيمچه حکيم پوره خطر دى.
(479) Better half an egg than an empty shell.
(٤٧٩) د خالي لوښي نه نيمه اګۍ هم ښه ده.
(480) Better ill-fed than ill-bred.
(٤٨٠) نهر ښه يې خو نه بې لارې.
(481) Better lose a jest than lose a friend.
(٤٨١) د داسې ټوکې کولو نه يې نه کول ښه دي چې دوست پرې خفه شي.
(482) Better short of pence than short of sense.
(٤٨٢) بې پېسو ښه يې نه بې عقله.
(483) Better still rise and fall.
(٤٨٣) د خپل څادر سره پښې غځول ښه دي.
(484) Better small fish than an empty dish.
(٤٨٤) د خالي لوښي نه ښه دا ده چې څه خو پکښې وي.
(485) Better suffer for truth than prosper by falsehood.
(٤٨٥) د حق زحمت د درواغو د راحت نه ښه دى.
(486) Better suffer ill than do ill.
(٤٨٦) غم په خپله زغمه نورو ته يې مه ورکوه.
(487) Better the feet sleep than the tongue.
(٤٨٧) د پښې ښويېدل ښه دي نه د ژبې.
(488) Better thou perish than truth.
(٤٨٨) د حق په لار کې د مرګ نه مه ويرېږه.
(489) Better go ask than go astray.
(٤٨٩) په غلطه لار د تللو نه ښه دا ده چې پوښتنه وکړې.
(490) Better to be blind than to see ill.
(٤٩٠) د بد نظر د اچولو په ځاى ړوند ښه يې.
(491) Better to die a beggar than live a beggar.
(٤٩١) د ذلت د ژوند نه مرګ ښه دى.
(492) Better to trust in God than in His saints.
(٤٩٢) په وليانو د عقيدې نه ښه دا ده چې په خداى عقيده وساتې.
(493) Better untaught than ill-taught.
(٤٩٣) د خراب تعليم نه بې تعليمه ښه يې.
(494) Between the devil and the deep sea.
(٤٩٤) چې نه مخکې لار لرې او نه وروسته تلى شې.
(495) Beware of a silent dog and still water.
(٤٩٥) د ژمي په لمر او د دښمن په خندا اعتبار نشته.
(496) Beware of him who regards not his own reputation.
(٤٩٦) چې د ځان عزت نه پېژني نو د بل به څه وپېژني؟
(497) Beware of no man more than thyself.
(٤٩٧) ښه او بد دې په خپل لاس کې دي.
(498) Beware of one who flatters unduly; he will also censury unjustly.
(٤٩٨) چې څوک دې هيڅ بې هيڅه ستاينې کوي هغه به دې هيڅ بې هيڅه بد هم وايي.
(499) Birds of feather flock together.
(٤٩٩) کوتره له کوترې سره او باز له باز سره.
(500) Black is the badge of hell.
(٥٠٠) تورتم د دوزخ نخښه ده.
(501) Black will take no other hue.
(٥٠١) په تور بل رنګ نه خېژي.
(502) Blame is the lazy man’s wages.
(٥٠٢) د ناراسته سړي معاش څه؟ خبرې!
(503) Blind zeal only does harm.
(٥٠٣) ړوند جذباتيت د زيان سبب جوړېږي.
(504) Blood is thicker than water.
(٥٠٤) لاس چې مات شي خپلې غاړې له ځي.
(505) Blow will answer blows.
(٥٠٥) د سُوک ځواب په سُوک.
(506) Blushing is virtue’s colour.
(٥٠٦) شرم د حيا نخښه ده.
(507) Bodies devoid of mind are as statues in the market-place.
(٥٠٧) د بې عقله سړي مثال د بُت دى.
(508) Bodily labour earns not much.
(٥٠٨) په مزدورۍ څه کېږي.
(509) Bones for those who come late.
(٥٠٩) ناوخته کولو کې تاوان دى.
(510) Books and friends should be few and good.
(٥١٠) کتابونه او دوستان لږ خو ښه ساته.
(511) Borrowed cats catch no mice.
(٥١١) د سوال په اوبو جرنده نه ګرځي.
(512) Brave actions never want a trumpet.
(٥١٢) ښه کارونه څوک د نوم لپاره نه کوي.
(513) Bright to sight, heart’s delight.
(٥١٣) کوم شى چې په زړه ښه ولګي هغه زړه خوشحالوي.
(514) Bring not a bagpipe to a man in trouble.
(٥١٤) په زهيرو زړونو ګوتې مه وهه.
(515) Broken sacks will hold no corn.
(٥١٥) مات شوي زړونه نه روغېږي.
(516) Brothers quarrel like thieves inside a house, but outside their swords leap out in each other’s defense.
(٥١٦) ورونه که د کور دننه د يو بل وينې هم وڅکي خو له کوره بهر بيا د يو بل ملاتړ ته رادانګي.
(517) Building and marrying of children are great wasters.
(٥١٧) په کور جوړولو او واده کولو پېسې خو لګي.
(518) Bullies are generally cowards.
(٥١٨) څوک چې لاپې وهي هغه ډارن وي.
(519) Burns not your hose to fright away the mice.
(٥١٩) په سپږه پسې لمڅى سوځول.
(520) Business neglected, business lost.
(٤٢٠) په کار کې بې پرواهي کار له منځه وړي.
(521) Business is the salt of life.
(٥٢١) د ژوند خوند خو په کار دى.
(522) But one egg and that too addled.
(٥٢٢) يوه ها او هغه هم سخا!
(523) Buy what you do not want, and you will sell what you cannot spare.
(٥٢٣) چې بې ضرورته شيان دې اخيستل نو د ضروري شيانو خرڅولو ته به اړ کېږې.
(524) Buyers want a hundred eyes; sellers none.
(٥٢٤) اخيستونکى خپل زړه ته ګوري، خرڅوونکى خپل ته.
(525) By taking always out and never putting in, the bottom is soon reached.
(٥٢٥) چې خوراک وي او ګټه نه وي د قارون خزانه هم ختمېږي.
(526) By doing nothing we learn to do ill.
(٥٢٦) د وزګار په مزغو کې شېطان ناست وي.
(527) By losing present time we lose all time.
(٥٢٧) وخت له لاسه ورکول هر څه له لاسه ورکول دي.
(528) By other’s faults wise men correct their own.
(٥٢٨) عقل د کم عقلو نه زده کېږي.
(529) By time all things are produced and judged.
(٥٢٩) وخت ښه قاضي دى.
(530) By trying the Greeks got into try.
(٥٣٠) په همت هر څه کېږي.
(531) By bearing with others, you shall be borne with.
(٥٣١) څه چې کرې هغه به رېبې.
(532) By his very concealment he added fame to fame.
(٥٣٢) مشهور چې ورک شو نور مشهور شو.

Continue to English proverbs (C) پښتو متلونه

Afghanistan, Analysis, Taliban, The war on terror

February 16, 2010

Insurgency is hit hard in Afghanistan and Pakistan

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The arrest of the de facto Taliban leader, Mullah Abdul Ghani Baradar, in Pakistan’s Karachi city in a joint secret CIA-Pakistan raid was another major blow for the brutal insurgency in the region. Just few days before that, on February 13, a massive onslaught in the restive south of Afghanistan attacked the hardcore militants’ longtime stronghold. Sporadic fighting is reported from the area, and there is resistance in some places, yet both Afghan and NATO officials claimed to have seized the town and termed the operation as ‘successful.’ Although the forces were ordered to be extremely careful in targeting noncombatants, two incidents of killing civilians still occurred, yet displaced people from the conflict-hit town welcomed the operation.
In Pakistan, the insurgents saw their second and more vindictive leader, Hakimullah Mehsud, died in a drone attack probably days after he appeared in a video with the Jordanian suicide bomber and claimed responsibility for the attack that killed 7 CIA experts in Khost. Analysts in the region say that his murder had led to cause a split between other Taliban leaders in the tribal areas between Pakistan and Afghanistan and that had significant negative impacts on activities of the terrorist outfit.
The arrest of Mullah Baradar is similarly the most important achievement in the counterinsurgency efforts since the US-led international troops invaded Afghanistan to oust his Al-Qaeda-linked government. Though at that time the spiritual leader of the movement was the one-eyed former jihadi commander Mullah Omar, and he still enjoys his position as the Supreme Leader, it was Mullah Baradar who emerged as a de facto leader of the Taliban and commanded the powerful Quetta Shura the existence of which the government of Pakistan constantly denied but reports said ISI had helped it in shifting to Karachi from Quetta after there was a discussion to whether kill the top Quetta Taliban leaders in drone attacks.
Pakistan is believed to have been providing support to the Afghan Taliban for a long time. Its intelligence outfits provided protection to commanders and strategists that were hiding and operating in Pakistan. How did they allow the Americans to capture this top military strategist is not clear now, but t is clear enough that this will significantly affect the insurgency in Afghanistan because the new strategy is focusing to target the top leaders, chase the local ones, and offer reintegration to the foot soldiers, all at the same time.
Now this is an important opportunity for the international community to continue chasing the top leaders in Pakistan and disconnecting them from the local commanders in the field (Afghanistan). An effective reintegration program in Kabul can help the new strategy to quicken its pace for achieving its goals which will eventually enable the Afghan government to establish its writ across the country and the allied countries to withdraw their troops. Avoiding past mistakes and strengthening Afghan security forces should be kept in mind as the most important factors in making the process successfully completed.

Afghanistan, Analysis, Taliban, The war on terror

January 31, 2010

Tribalism versus democracy in Afghanistan

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Afghanistan has been a real victim of world powers’ short-term strategies that are often devised against their own earlier strategies. The newest strategy that the United States is working on is to bypass the central government in Afghanistan and directly support the Pashtun tribes to fight against the Taliban. According to a New York Times report, as a first step towards this end, the U.S. is going to support the Shinwari tribe in eastern Afghanistan. ‘In exchange for their [the tribesmen’s] support, American government agreed to channel $1 million in development projects directly to the tribal leaders and bypass the local Afghan government, which is widely seen as corrupt.’

For Afghans, this ‘corrupt government’ had full support of the entire international community for last eight years. A remarkable majority of the Afghans now question that if this government was so corrupt, why the U.S. and the international community let it run during all these years. Until now, everybody spoke about democracy, human rights, civil society, stabilizing the government, and capacity building. But suddenly, the track changed and now every prime minister, every president, every ambassador, every military commander, and every civilian expert speaks about reconciliation with the Taliban, bypassing the central government, and supporting the tribes. Now they see the solution in the centuries old corrupt and outdated tribal system that will now fight against the Taliban but eventually will turn into uncontrollable militias and then? the international community will undoubtedly devise another strategy to get rid of them.

It is true that this tribal system worked 30-40 years ago, but its authority and function was undermined by a same strategy that was also devised by the U.S. and Pakistan in which a new generation of the Afghan youths was encouraged to follow the jihadi leaders, well-trained and well-paid by the U.S., instead of the tribal elders. According to another New York Times report, at that time, ‘the United States, backed by the Saudi and Pakistani governments, unleashed its own assault on Afghanistan’s tribes. American-backed Wahhabi fundamentalism created hundreds of thousands of young mujahedeen (holy warriors) to attack Soviet troops in Afghanistan. Religiously indoctrinated and flush with American cash, these young Afghan fighters viewed Muslim clerics and mujahedeen commanders – not tribal elders – as their true leaders.’

Eventually the Soviet troops withdrew, but the tribal elders and system continued to suffer as the country descended into a new era of warlordism that annihilated every value of the Afghan society. The Taliban emerged as a result of that warlordism but further expanded the fight against tribal values. More recently, hundreds of tribal elders in the tribal areas as well as in Afghanistan and Pakistan were murdered in a series of target killings because they were believed to be supporters of the governments. Particularly in the tribal areas, many tribal jirgas and gatherings were targeted by suicide attacks in recent months.

The New York Times report correctly said that: ‘Some Afghans warn that the tribal system is not a panacea and fear that the United States is adopting a quick-fix approach that will not create long-term stability. They see the tribes inherently anachronistic, sexist and corrupt – a system that further undermines the already extraordinarily difficult task of creating multi-ethnic, merit-based institutions. They warn that the country would be thrown into the hands of myriad tribal militias that the central government could never control.’

So, instead of short-term and quick-fix strategies that create more problems in the long run, there should be a long-time commitment for stabilizing the government, promoting democratic values, human rights and civil society, reducing poverty, and working for capacity building in Afghanistan. That is the only way to a long-time solution in this war-torn country.

English, Taliban, The war on terror

December 23, 2009

Killing the admirers!

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The Dec. 22 suicide attack on Peshawar Press Club that brutally killed at least three people was not the first heinous act of terrorism that targeted journalists in the conflict-hit AfPak region, many talented and brave reporters have lost their lives during the past several-year long wave of the ruthless insurgency, but it was unique in many ways: it was the first attack that directly targeted the profession of journalism as a whole instead of the target killing of an individual and was unique because the target was a group that can be described as the long-time eloquent ‘admirers’ of the terrorism and insurgency in the region, at least in Afghanistan and Kashmir.

The targeted Peshawar Press Club had been the place where a majority of reporters, columnists and feature writers (except its current president Shamim Shahid and few others) of the jingoist Urdu and English media of Peshawar, the capital of Pashtunkhwa or North West Frontier Province (NWFP) of Pakistan, and correspondents of the media outfits in the rest of the country, sat on comfortable tables and wrote lengthy propaganda news stories and eulogizing feature articles in which the terrorists were being described as freedom fighters and the true sons of their motherland. These heavily romanticized and extremely exaggerated stories encouraged the ignorant youths from Peshawar to the tribal areas to take up arms and volunteer to be used as fodder by the ISI-backed terrorist campaign.

The terrorist campaign was then limited only to Afghanistan and Kashmir. But when the terrorists increased in number and grew in strength, thanks to the all-out support of Pakistan or some powerful elements within the Pakistani government and intelligence, they had to expand their presence and authority beyond Afghanistan and Kashmir. The Pakistani media, however, still did not realize the magnitude of the threat and continued to support terrorism with attractive words and terms like ‘freedom fighters,’ ‘reformers of the society’ etc. Unfortunately, it is still the case though thousands of innocent people have lost their lives in the most condemnable and despicable suicide attacks and bomb blasts that take place every other day across Pakistan. But Pakistani media, like Pakistani officials and politicians, is still in the state of denial. Just recently, when a Canada-based Pakistani mullah, Tahir-ul-Qaderi, issued a 150-page fatwa in which he condemned the terrorist attacks in Pakistan while justified them in Afghanistan, Iraq and Kashmir, I had a discussion with a journalist who was member of the Peshawar Press Club. This journalist defended the fatwa and argued that there was a big difference between the Pakistani and Afghan militants.

‘What is that difference?’ I asked.

‘The Pakistani militants are very cruel, they don’t believe in any religion, they get support from foreign countries and they kill innocent people. While the Afghan militants are very good people, they want to free Afghanistan and they don’t kill innocent people.’

I told him that both the militants have safe havens in the same tribal areas, both operate under the same name, both follow the same ideology, both have the same shuras, both use the same tactics, both support one another, and both have the same goal. He had this curt reply: ‘whatever they do, I will condemn the Pakistani militants and support the Afghan militants.’ Before him, I got the same answer to one of my questions from a former Pakistani official during a conference. (Also, the Pakistani government had immediately welcomed Tahir-ul-Qaderi’s fatwa). With having that mentality from the top ranks to the common people, from the intellectuals to the reporters, I don’t think if Pakistan will ever be able to get rid of the menace of terrorism.

Now the question is that why will the terrorists want to kill their admirers. The answer is a verse from the popular classic Pashtun poet, Hamid Baba:

Mahroyan kala khpalegi tol da cha?

Tar spogmey chapera kegi shpol da cha?

It means that you cannot keep all your lovers happy all the time.

The same with the terrorists! As long as you keep them happy, they are okay, but the moment you did something that went against their mood, they will turn against you and target you. Pakistan has yet not learned from the example of its army and state institutions which are being targeted by the same people who were trained and equipped by it. The United States is also a good example: the 9/11 was planned by the people who were trained and equipped by the CIA 20 years ago.

Taliban, The war on terror, سياسي

December 15, 2009

Pakistan: a victim of confusion

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DGKhanWhile the fresh terrorist attack in Dera Ghazi Khan district of Pakistan has killed at least 34 people and wounded another dozens, the President of the country, Asif Ali Zardari, according to Washington Post, resisted to expand the operation against the militants. The Post reported on Dec. 16, 2009, that: ‘Pakistani President Asif Ali Zardari has resisted a direct appeal from President Obama for a rapid expansion of Pakistani military operations in tribal areas and has called on the United States to speed up military assistance to Pakistani forces and to intervene more forcefully with India, its traditional adversary.’

Concurrently, a US embassy official in Pakistan, traveling with Adm. Mike Mullen, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, said that though the Pakistani military had seized nearly all of the former Taliban stronghold of South Waziristan, but militant leaders who fled were still able to carry out deadly attacks deep inside Pakistan’s heartland from new hide-outs, reported New York Times on Tuesday.

Pakistan seems to be in the state of deep confusion in its stand and commitment to the war on terror, which the country claims is its own war, but the facts on the ground tell something else. There are reports that the country’s military, the intelligence agency, and some political-religious parties – also a creation of the military and the intelligence- are strongly opposed to the operations against terror groups, particularly those who are committed to fight in Afghanistan. The Zardari government seems to be either too weak to make a decisive plan or it also does agree with the policies that are made and implemented by the military establishment.

A few days back, two different statements by the Pakistani Prime Minister was a manifestation of the confusion the country has been facing towards its anti-terror efforts. On Dec. 12, while talking to reporters in Multan, the Prime Minister, Syed Yousuf Raza Gilani made an unexpected announcement that the military operation in South Waziristan was over. But the next day, while talking to a different audience in Karachi, he changed his statement and said that the operation was not over.

This state of confusion, or double standard as many describe it, to be reluctant and willing at the same time, and to have strict policy towards one faction (Pakistani) of the terrorists while being protective to another (Afghan), makes the country’s position vulnerable for the terrorists and suspicious for the anti-terror world.

Many times when we say that Pakistan, or a powerful faction within the government and the establishment, support the terrorism, the Pakistanis immediately say that Pakistan itself is a victim of terrorism. In fact, it is a victim of confusion and double standard policies.

Afghanistan, The war on terror, سياسي

December 14, 2009

The new strategy and the main problems

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For a long time, the Afghans have been the victims of policies, ideologies and strategies imported and enforced from outside the country. An internal Afghan solution has never been a priority for the international players of the Afghan conflict. The new Obama strategy, which has two main parts: sending more 30,000 troops to gain the momentum against the terrorists, and invest huge amounts to lure the Taliban fighters to switch sides, is another part of this series.

This strategy is for the next 18 months. The key question is: what will happen after that? The Taliban is not a pure Afghan dilemma. It has local and international powers behind it as supporters. If these supporters continue to support and pay for fighting, the insurgency will never see an end. They will pay to make them fighters and you will pay to switch sides. At the end of the day, Obama, or the next US President, will have to draw another new strategy. Thus, the conflict will continue until the time the basic regional problems and issues are understood and resolved, not through foreign strategies but through local mechanisms.

As an effort to provide a further explanation of the basic problem, for example, we can discuss the role Pakistan does play in the regional conflicts and politics. This nuclear-armed country is seen as the major contributor to the international terrorism and extremism and at the same time a major front to fight against the global threat of terrorism. From the events that have been taking place within this country, we can tell that Pakistan is extremely confused over the issue of fighting against terrorism. Two days back (on Dec. 12, 2009), Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani told reporters in Lahore that the anti-terror operation in South Waziristan was over. This he said after having claimed that the military had cleared the area of local and foreign terrorists and was now in its control. But the next day, while speaking to a different audience in Karachi, he changed his statement and said that the operation was not over but will continue to an indefinite time. This created confusion and suspicion about the coordination between the political officials and the military commanders.

Similarly, there are reports that the country is widely divided on the issue of anti-terror operations. According to these reports, the powerful military, the intelligence agencies, the political-religious parties that were originally created and later supported by the establishment, are against the operations and support the extremist groups for their local as well as international agendas, while the weak political government and the liberal circles want an all-out campaign to be launched against the terror groups that are hiding and operating in the tribal areas as well as the settled and urban areas.

The reasons behind the fact that a majority of Pakistan’s military, political, and religious elements support terrorism or extremism are not very much complicated: Pakistan has a 62-year long enmity with India and its military gets benefited from this conflict. And the use of terrorist groups has proved the most effective and lethal method against India. So, unless the Pak-India conflict is solved, the military will never want to put a complete end to the terror groups. The second reason: Pakistan is not happy with the US presence in the region because that has been harming its strategic role in Afghanistan. As troubling as the Pak-India conflict is the Durand Line issue between Pakistan and Afghanistan. This conflict has deep political dimensions. A remarkable majority of the Afghans believe that Pakistan has illegally occupied the Pashtun-dominated areas. They think that the Pashtun-dominated areas of Pakistan should be a part of Afghanistan or turned into an independent state, known as Pashtunistan. Pakistan’s political powers are aware of these perceptions and know that a stable and peaceful Afghanistan may mean a re-emerge of the Pashtunistan issue. So without resolving this crucial issue, Pakistan’s political powers may never want to stop supporting the Afghan insurgency.

So reconciliation with the insurgents is okay. But there is still a strong need to look at these issues as important factors because only the solution of these problems can bring a long-lasting peace and stability to the region.

Afghanistan

December 13, 2009

Afghanistan – Pakistan – India Friendship Forum (APIFF)

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The Afghanistan – Pakistan – India Friendship Forum (APIFF) is for peace-loving people of this region. As South Asian countries, Afghanistan, Pakistan and India can play a major role in making the region socially peaceful, politically stable and economically prosper. Fortunately, majority of the people of these countries want these values and hate the warmongers who are always seeking conspiracies and conflict. This group is for people who want peace, stability and prosperity in these countries and the region. Let’s share our thoughts on these matters, be friends and think positive. Let’s throw the wars and conflicts where they have thrown us. To join the group and contribute to this cause, please click on the link and join:

http://www.facebook.com/group.php?v=wall&ref=mf&gid=193145820705

Afghanistan, English, News stories

October 10, 2009

Kabul World Pashto Conference

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The two-day World Pashto Conference (Oct. 08-09, 2009) in Kabul concluded on Friday with a special focus on education for the Pashtun people in Afghanistan and Pakistan and appealed the militants active in both countries to stop torching schools and other educational institutions.

The conference was arranged by two cultural and literary groups working for the promotion of the Pashto language in Kabul; it was the first World Pashto Conference in Afghanistan and the eighth of overall World Pashto Conferences; all of the previous World Pashto Conferences were held in Pakistan. The first World Pashto Conference was held in Peshawar in 1988.

World Pashto Conference

Delegations and representatives of Pashto literary organizations from India, Pakistan, European countries, Gulf countries, Canada and the United States participated in the Conference. Several government officials, governors, members of Parliament, and tribal elders were also present.

There were four workshops in the Conference to discuss the problems the Pashtuns and their language – Pashto – has been facing in the world today. They discussed the overall situation of the Pashtuns, the lack of educational institutions for Pashtun children, the faults in the jirga system, and the apathy the governments of Afghanistan and Pakistan have towards the Pashto language.

There was a poetry reciting gathering on the first day and a music and dance session on the second day. Nearly all of the poems were about the current war-like situation in the tribal areas and Afghanistan and Pakistan. They said the war had destroyed not only their land and people, but also the history, culture, and the future.

At the concluding session, the participants unanimously passed a resolution which:

  • appealed the anti-government elements on both sides of the border to stop torching schools;
  • asked the governments of Pakistan and Afghanistan to support the Pashto language and work for its promotion;
  • asked the relevant government institutions, literary and cultural organizations, and the civil society to cooperate with each other and find implementable mechanisms for the solutions of the problems the Pashtuns have been facing and for the promotion of the Pashto language; and
  • asked the international community and the governments of Afghanistan and Pakistan to provide more and modern educational opportunities to the Pashtuns for their progress and prosperity.

Interesting notes:

  • The Chairman of the first World Pashto Conference – a well-known progressive Pashtun writer, Salim Raaz – was not invited to the Conference. He told a news conference in Peshawar that the Kabul Conference was not part of the World Pashto Conferences and he didn’t know who had arranged it.
  • All of the participants from Pakistan said they felt at home in Afghanistan because the country was their mother land.
  • A speaker from Pakistan continuously used the term ‘Occupied Afghanistan’ for the tribal areas and the settled Pashtun-dominated districts of Pakistan (reminding the people that these areas are a part of Afghanistan but occupied by Pakistan).
  • Most of the speeches and the poems focused on the current situation in the tribal areas and the worst conditions the Pashtuns live in.
  • A Working Committee established the World Pashto Network and there was a demand for a World Pashto Conference every year.
  • Several of the participants complained about bad arrangements of the conference.

English, The war on terror

September 16, 2009

Pakistan versus Mangal Bagh in Khyber Agency

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The BBC Urdu website has posted an interesting piece about the ongoing ‘military operations’ by Pakistani forces in the restive Khyber Agency, the area of strategic importance between Peshawar and Torkham. The story compared the operations with the Pashto films of the 80s released with ambiguous and vague stories and names. The operations against militants are as ambiguous as the Pashto films of the time, the BBC said.

The operation, named ‘bia daraghlam’ (I am coming again) (there was an earlier similar operation named ‘daraghlam’ (I am coming)), has displaced many people from the area. The government claims to have killed several militants in these operations, the local people don’t believe it. Mangal Bagh, a driver-turned-militant leader, still holds power in the area and, the BBC report suggested, these operations always end up unproductive and without any good results.

Local people blame the government for killing the same people it had been supporting through different channels. They believe that Mangal Bagh and other militants work for the government because without government’s support they can’t survive in the area where they have wreaked havoc and ruined the peaceful life of the tribal people.

It is the same game: the government and security forces first let the militants to grow and unite and kill and arrest some of them when it comes after heavy pressure from the U.S. and other western governments. The militants play a role as Pakistan’s strategic ‘assets’ to destabilize the region.  A London-based think tank, the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS), said in a recently-published annual report that Pakistan remained the biggest source of instability in Afghanistan.

That is the most known truth and the sooner the world release it the better for the region and the world.