The BBC Urdu website has posted an interesting piece about the ongoing ‘military operations’ by Pakistani forces in the restive Khyber Agency, the area of strategic importance between Peshawar and Torkham. The story compared the operations with the Pashto films of the 80s released with ambiguous and vague stories and names. The operations against militants are as ambiguous as the Pashto films of the time, the BBC said.

The operation, named ‘bia daraghlam’ (I am coming again) (there was an earlier similar operation named ‘daraghlam’ (I am coming)), has displaced many people from the area. The government claims to have killed several militants in these operations, the local people don’t believe it. Mangal Bagh, a driver-turned-militant leader, still holds power in the area and, the BBC report suggested, these operations always end up unproductive and without any good results.

Local people blame the government for killing the same people it had been supporting through different channels. They believe that Mangal Bagh and other militants work for the government because without government’s support they can’t survive in the area where they have wreaked havoc and ruined the peaceful life of the tribal people.

It is the same game: the government and security forces first let the militants to grow and unite and kill and arrest some of them when it comes after heavy pressure from the U.S. and other western governments. The militants play a role as Pakistan’s strategic ‘assets’ to destabilize the region.  A London-based think tank, the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS), said in a recently-published annual report that Pakistan remained the biggest source of instability in Afghanistan.

That is the most known truth and the sooner the world release it the better for the region and the world.

The Taliban militants in Afghanistan questioned the Media Club of Afghanistan’s (MCA) decision for asking the national and international media to boycott all news reports and claims provided by the insurgents for three days over the death of an Afghan journalist, Sultan Munadi, who was killed in a rescue operation on September 09. The MCA had also asked the Taliban to apologize for the abduction.

Sultan Munadi, a 34 year-old Afghan journalist working with the New York Times, along with the NY Times’ reporter, Stephen Farrell, was abducted by the militants in the Chahar Dara district of northern Kanduz province four days prior to his death. They were visiting the site of a NATO airstrike on two captured oil tankers which had left nearly 100 people dead, several among whom were reported as civilians.

The official spokesman of the Taliban insurgents, Zabiullah Mujahdi, denied the abduction immediately after the news was out. However, a Taliban commander in the area called local journalists and took responsibility of the abduction. Mr. Farrell’s account of the four days’ abduction also clearly indicates that they were taken as hostages by the Taliban who have a strong presence in many districts of the province. On September 09, the British commandos conducted a rescue operation which saved Mr. Farrell’s life but left a British soldier, Mr. Munadi, and two Afghans dead. The rescue operation was widely criticized locally and internationally.

Though it is hard to confirm who killed Munadi, several groups of the journalists working in Afghanistan condemned his death as ‘brutal and inhumane.’ They condemned the attitude of both the Taliban militants and the international forces towards the kidnapped Afghan journalists who often get killed while their foreigner colleagues get freed, exchanged or rescued. According to Mr. Farrell’s account, Mr. Munadi had told him that their kidnappers had warned Munadi that he would be killed and the British reporter would be exchanged for prisoners.

On September 10, a newly constituted body of newsmen, the Media Club of Afghanistan (MCA) condemned the death and asked the national and international media outlets to boycott the news reports and claims provided by the Taliban for three days.

On Monday, the purported spokesman of the Taliban, Zabiullah Mujahid, in an email sent to www.abdulhadihairan.com, questioned this decision and said they had proofs that Munadi was killed by the British commandos ‘to motivate newsmen and reporters against the Mujahedeen.’

In a detailed email written in Pashto, the spokesman said he thought these media organizations were not independent and worked for the ‘invaders.’ He claimed that the decision was symbolic and can’t affect their media campaign.

جب ميں نے پھلی بار انگلش ميں ايک مضمون لکھ کر يہ کہا کہ پشتو کا ٹپہ دنيا کی مختصر ترين نظم ہے تو بہت لوگوں نے ايميلز اور آن لاين تبصروں کے ذريعے مجھے ديگر زبانوں کی کئ مختصر ترين نظميں بھيجيں جن ميں کئ ايسی نظميں بھی تھيں جن کا ٹوٹل وجود تين يا چار الفاظ پر منحصر تھا۔

يہاں بھی عنوان پڑھ کر شايد کچھ لوگ يہ خيال کريں کہ اردو يا دوسری زبانوں ميں تين يا چار الفاظ کی نظميں موجود ہيں۔ يہ بات سو فيصد درست ہيں۔ کئ زبانوں ميں ايسی نظميں لکھی جاچکی ہيں۔ مگر بات يہ ہے کہ وہ ہيئت کے لحاظ سے ايک مستقل نظم کی حيثيت نہيں رکھتيں۔ مثال کے طور پر نظم کی کئ قسميں ہيں، جيسے کہ: مرثيہ، قصيدہ، حمد، نعت، پابند نظم، مقفٰی نظم، معرٰی نظم، آزاد نظم، سانيٹ وغيرہ۔ ان ميں سے کوئی بھی مستقل طور پر ايسی ہيئت نہيں رکھتی کہ جس ميں لکھی جانے والی تمام نظميں مختصر ہوں۔ صرف جاپانی ہائيکو، جو اب بشمول اردو تقريباً سبھی زبانوں ميں اپنائی جاچکی ہے، ايک ايسی نظم ہے کہ جسے مختصر کہا جاسکتا ہے۔ مگر ٹپہ ہيئت ميں اس سے بھی زيادہ مختصر ہے۔

اختصار کے علاوہ ٹپہ کی ايک اور خصوصيت يہ ہے کہ اسے “عورتوں کی شاعری” کہا جاتا ہے۔ دنيا ميں ٹپہ کے علاوہ شايد ہی شاعری کی کوئی ايسی قسم يا خاص ہيئت ہو جسے خاص طور پر مردوں يا عورتوں کی شاعری کہا جائے۔ يہ بات انتہائی اہميت کی حامل ہے کيونکہ پشتونوں کے قبائلی معاشرے ميں جہاں خيالات و احساسات کے اظہار کے ذرائع بہت محدود ہيں اور جہاں عورتوں کی زندگی بہت پابند اور کئ پردوں ميں لپٹی ہوئی ہے، وہاں عورتوں کو ٹپہ کی شکل ميں اظہار رائے کا ايک بہت اچھا ذريعہ ميسر آيا ہے۔

اور يہ ذريعہ کافی مؤثر بھی ہے کيونکہ ٹپہ ہيئت کے لحاظ سے بہت مختصر اور موسيقی سے بھرپور ہوتا اور ايسے جامع انداز ميں بولا جاتا ہے کہ سننے والے کے دل ميں راہ کرجاتا ہے۔ اس مختصر سی ہيئت ميں دنيا کے بڑے بڑے موضوعات اور گہرے خيالات اتنی خوبصورتی سے پروئے جاتے ہيں کہ سنتے ہی ازبر ہوجاتے ہيں اور پھر ضرب الامثال کی طرح ياد آجاتے ہيں۔ اور جب تقريروں يا بحث مباحثے اور بات چيت ميں کوئی ٹپہ بولا جاتا ہے تو تقرير کا جادو دو بالا ہوجاتا ہے۔

مشہور پشتون سياستدان خان عبدالولی خان اپنی تقارير ميں سياسی موضوعات پر مختلف ٹپے سناتے اور اسی لئے بہت اچھے مقرر کے طور پر جانے جاتے تھے۔ گو کہ بنيادی طور پر ٹپہ لوک ورثہ ہے اور اس کا کوئی معلوم شاعر بھی نہيں ہے اور اسے مجموعی طور پر عورتوں کی شاعری سمجھا جاتا ہے، پھر بھی موضوع کے لحاظ سے اس کا دامن اتنا وسيع ہے کہ سياست اور محبت سے ليکر گھر کے کام کاج اور لڑائی دشمنيوں تک ہر چيز کے بارے ميں ٹپے موجود ہيں۔

ہر پشتو گلوکار اپنے کيرئير کے دوران سب سے زيادہ ٹپے گاتا ہے اور جب “يا قربان” کی آواز کے ساتھ کوئی گلوکار ٹپے گانا شروع کرديتا ہے تو سننے والے دم بخود رہ جاتے ہيں کيونکہ اس کا اثر بہت ہی سريلا ہوتا ہے۔ پشتون لڑکياں شادی و غمی کے دوران اور گھر کے کام کاج کے وقت مدہم سی آواز ميں ٹپے گا کر اپنی اس گھريلو موسيقی سے لطف اٹھاتی ہيں؛ پشتون نوجوان کھيتوں اور پھاڑوں ميں کام کرنے کے دوران اونچی آواز ميں “يا قربان” کے ساتھ ٹپے گاتے ہيں؛ اور پشتون سياستدان، ملا، اور معاشرے کے ہر طبقے کے لوگوں کو ٹپے پسند آتے ہيں۔

ہيئت کے لحاظ سے ٹپہ کے صرف دو مصرعے ہوتے ہيں: پہلا مصرعہ ٩ بحروں کا اور دوسرا ١٣ کا۔ تمام ٹپوں کا قافيہ ايک ہی ہوتا ہے اور ادائيگی ميں اس کا اختتام ايک ہی طريقے سے ہوتا ہے۔ خوشی، غمی، محبت، انتظار، جدائی، جنگ، صلح، غرض ہر موضوع کے لئے اپنے ٹپے ہيں جو اگر خوشی کے موقع پر بولے جائے تو خوشی دوبالا ہوجاتی ہے اور اگر گم کے موقع پر سنائے جائے تو سننے والوں کو رلاديتے ہيں۔

مشہور پشتون سکالر اور پشتو اکيڈمی پشاور کے سابق ڈائريکٹر ڈاکٹر راج ولی شاہ خٹک ٹپہ کے بارے ميں لکھتے ہيں: “ٹپہ تمام پشتونوں ميں، چاہے وہ کسی بھی عمر کے ہوں، يکساں طور پر مقبول ہے۔ بے شمار ٹپے نامعلوم شاعروں کی طرف سے کہے گئے ہيں اور بہت ہی مقبوليت سے گائے جاتے ہيں۔”

ليجئے يہاں پر چند ٹپے اردو ترجمہ کے ساتھ پيش خدمت ہيں:

ٹپہ:

ګلونه ډېر دي خداى دې ډېر کړي

د صبر ګل به خپل اشنا له ورکومه

ترجمہ:

پھول تو بہت ہيں اور خدا ان ميں اور بھی اضافہ کريں

مگر ميں اپنے محبوب کو صبر کا پھول ہی دوں گی

ٹپہ:

د پير بابا لاره ده سخته

د ګلو لختې زه به ستا لپاره ځمه

ترجمہ:

پير بابا کے مزار تک جانے کا راستہ تو بہت خطرناک ہے

مگر، اے ميری شاخٍ گل کی مانند محبوبہ، ميں تمہارے لئے ضرور جاؤں گا

ٹپہ:

ځان دې زړو جامو کې جوړ کړو

لکه په وران کلي کې باغ د ګلو وينه

ترجمہ:

تم پرانے کپڑوں ميں بن سنور کے ايسی لگ رہی ہو

جيسے کسی کنڈرات گاؤں ميں پھولوں کا باغ ہو

ٹپہ:

که د ځلمو نه پوره نه شوه

ګرانه وطنه جينکۍ به دې ګټينه

ترجمہ:

اگر نوجوان تيری حفاظت نہيں کرسکے اے وطن

ہم لڑکياں تيری حفاظت کے لئے نکليں گی

بي بي سي په خپل يو تازه او په زړه پورې راپور کې د پاکستان د پوځ لخوا په بېلابېلو سيمو کې د مخالفينو پر ضد د روانو عملياتو نومونه د پښتو فيلمونو د نومونو سره پرتله کړي او دغه عمليات يې د پښتو فيلمونو په څېر بې مانا بللي دي.

د راپور له مخې کله چې په لاهور کې د پښتو فيلمونو جوړوونکيو سره په زړه پورې موضوعات او کيسې نه وې نو داسې نومونه به يې ايښودل چې د فيلم د ليدونکيو د فيلم له کتلو وروسته هم سر پرې نه خلاصېده چې مانا او مطلب يې څه دي. راپور د ځينو فيلمونو نومونه ياد کړي دي چې داسې وو: “د سپي لکۍ،” “راشه ماما ځوى دې لېونى دى،” “اوس به څه کى (کړې)” او داسې نور.

د راپور له مخې پاکستاني مقامات په خپلو پوځي عملياتو هم دغسې نومونه ږدي چې تازه بېلګه يې په خېبر ايجنسۍ کې روان عمليات دي. دا عمليات چې په لومړي ځل پېل شول نو نوم يې “درغلم” و او اوس چې په دويم ځل پېل شوي نو رسمي نوم يې “بيا درغلم” دى. راپور زياتوي چې څنګه د پښتو دغه فيلمونه بې مانا وو او کتونکي پرې نه پوهېدل، بېخي په ورته توګه د پاکستاني پوځ عمليات هم دغسې بې مانا دي او هيڅ نتيجه نلري.

د راپور له مخې کله چې پوځ عمليات پېل کړي نو په لومړي سر کې سترې سترې ادعاوې وکړي چې سيمه له مخالفينو پاکه شوه، او دا وشو، هغه وشو، خو د عملياتو له پاى ته رسېدو وروسته مخالفين بيا راښکاره شي او په سيمه کې د خلکو ژوند په اور کې کړي. راپور په ځانګړې توګه د خېبر ايجنسۍ سيمې ته اشاره کوي او پوښتنه کوي چې په دغې سيمه کې مخالفين د منګل باغ په نامه يو تن او څو نورې داسې ډلې دي چې نه په سيمه کې محبوبيت لري او نه کوم روزل شوي جنګيالي، خو بيا هم د حکومت له درنو عملياتو وروسته هغوى په خپل ځاى موجود پاتې وي.

راپور د پاکستاني پوځ عملياتو ته د شک په نظر ګوري او په سيمه کې د ځينو خلکو له خولې وايي چې که پوځ وغواړي په يو څو ورځو کې به نه منګل وي او نه يې باغونه، خو اصلي ستونځه دا ده چې د پاکستان حکومت او پوځ فقط خلکو ته دوکه ورکوي او داسې پاليسۍ لري چې نه پرې د پاکستان دننه څوک پوهېږي او نه بهر.

په عين حال کې پاکستاني پوځ نن (شنبه) ادعا وکړه چې د خيبر ايجنسۍ په سيمه کې روانو “بيا درغلم” عملياتو کې يې دوه ويشت تنه مخالفين وژلي دي. د سيمې څخه رارسېدلي راپورونه وايي چې د عملياتو اصلي قربانيان عام خلک دي کوم چې يا خو وژل کېږي، کورونه يې ورانېږي او يا کډې کولو ته اړ کېږي.

په همدې مهال سيمييزې سرچينې وايي چې د لښکر اسلام مشر منګل باغ خاصه دارو (دولتي مليشو) ته دړکه ورکړې وه چې که دولتي وظيفې ته لاړل نو سرونه به يې غوڅ کړي. د سرچينو له مخې د سيمې ډېر خاصه دار په دې وروستيو کې خپلو وظيفو ته نه وو تللي چې له امله يې حکومت د شنبې په ورځ د درې سوه (٣٠٠) خاصه دارو د وظيفې څخه د ليرې کولو امر ورکړ.

د سيمې خلک وېره لري چې په دې کار سره به په خيبر ايجنسۍ کې وضعه ډېره زياته کړکېچنه شي ځکه چې دغه خاصه دار د قبايلي سيسټم له مخې د قومونو په استازيتوب په وظيفو ګومارل شوي وو او وظيفو نه د هغوى ليرې کول به دا مانا ولري چې دغه قبيلې هم راپاڅي او د مخالفينو سره ملګري شي. سياسي کتونکي وايي چې په سوات کې هم په ورته توګه پوليسو يا د ډار او دړکو له امله خپلې وظيفې پرېښودلې او يا حکومت ليرې کړل چې ورپسې لږې ورځې وروسته سوات سقوط وکړ او په سلګونو زره خلک نورو سيمو ته مهاجر او په لسګونو مړه شول. دا سياسي کتونکي وايي دوى نه پوهېږي چې د پاکستان حکومت د يوې سيمې څخه وروسته په بله کې دا ډول يو بل ته ورته عمليات او چلند د څه لپاره کوي او کوم اهداف لاس ته راوړل غواړي.

Mullah Abdul Salam, a dangerous Taliban commander involved in several attacks on German soldiers and Afghan forces in the northern Kanduz province has been killed in an operation during the holy month of Ramadan, claimed governor Engineer Muhammad Omar. Salam himself was appointed as Kanduz governor by the shadowy Taliban administration.

 After increasing their attacks in the southern and eastern provinces to a very troubling extent for the international forces, the Taliban now increasingly show their dangerous presence in the previously relatively northern provinces, particularly Baghlan and Kanduz.

 They attacked the Qila-e-Zaal district center in Kanduz last night and killed 2 policemen, according to the local officials. The militants have been roaming in all the villages of this district and impose their orders on local people, said a resident of the district. This resident, who did not want to be named because he feared reaction from both the government and the Taliban, said the insurgents were able to prevent people from voting in the recent Presidential and Provincial Council elections on August 20.

 ‘He has been killed by the security forces along with another commander and 14 militants. We are sure about it,’ said the governor during a press conference. His brother, district governor of Chahar Dara, another troubled district of the province, was killed by the insurgents few days back.

 The Taliban have yet to confirm the death of one of their strongest commanders in the north. They are not as fast in accepting their casualties as in claiming responsibility of their opponents – the government and the international forces.

It is not that only people do suffer in wars and conflicts; culture, history and art also get their share in the destruction wreaked by the parties involved in wars. Afghanistan can be the worst case of this in modern history: from burning books by the Communists to murdering singers by the Mujahedeen and destroying every piece of art by the Taliban, from several kinds of cruelty none is left untested in this land. Music has remained a special target throughout the war years. Fortunately, when the hardliners started suffocating it in one place, it found another place for flourishing. And that is the reason the Pashto music still survives and keeps our hearts lively and warm.

In Afghanistan, when Dr. Najibullah collapsed and the Mujahedeen forces established several small kingdoms in the country, and a civil war erupted, music continued to be targeted along with the Afghans being killed in hundreds every day (the singers were targeted by the Mujahedeen from the early days of their activities). As most of them were trained as hardcore extremists by the CIA and Pakistani ISI, they attacked singers and music shops whenever and wherever they could, the Taliban would do the same with much more force many years later.

Consequently, like other people, the singers started fleeing to Pakistan, Iran and few to Europe and the United States. Pashto-speaking Afghan singers like Naghma and her husband Mangal, Zar Sanga, Kandi Kochi, Qamar Gula, and others were welcomed by the millions of Afghan refugees in Pakistan, they reached their peak of popularity during their stay in that country. Farsi-speaking singers enjoyed the same position in Iran, Pakistan and other countries. Together with their Pakistani counterparts, the Afghan Pashto singers kept Pashto music alive and it flourished during the years when the Afghan refugees were not considered a burden by the Pakistani government because of the dollars flowed from the United States and world for Afghan refugees a big share of which went to Pakistani pockets.

Conditions for Pashto music worsened when the Taliban seized power in Afghanistan and banned all kinds of entertainment; even sporting a particular hairstyle or keeping a photo was an offence. Thus, the Pashto music continued to flourish in Pakistan, particularly in the Pashtunkhwa province, which is officially called the N.W.F.P., a name given by the British Indian government. Afghan Pashto singers were popular not only among the Afghan refugees there but the Pakistani music-lovers also formed a big audience for them. The singers got the biggest audiences of young music lovers from both the countries and enjoyed a unique popularity.

Then arrived 9/11, which changed the situation altogether. Afghanistan was attacked by the American forces and the Taliban were wiped out. Now it was their turn to flee to Pakistan. A U.N.-backed government was established in Afghanistan and people started returning their homes. Among them were singers, not the senior ones, but a young generation of new voices equipped with new techniques and technologies. Yet the senior singers, both Pakistani and Afghan, continued as the most loved entertainers though they preferred to live in Europe.

As conditions started getting better for Pashto music in Afghanistan, they deteriorated in Pakistan as Taliban influence grew there rapidly. In 2002, the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA), a religious alliance, came into power in Pashtunkhwa and adopted the Taliban-like attitude toward music and singers. Pashto singers were beaten (popular singer Gul Zar Alam left singing because of continued threats) and music centers were being blown up. As extremism expanded its cloak from Waziristan to Bajaur, Mohmand, Khyber, Dir, Swat, and from then to Bunir, Mardan, and even to Peshawar, attacking singers and blowing music shops became a routine. In the whole Pashtun land, the scenic valley of Swat was the biggest entertainment center. Eventually the Valley was captured by the militants and war broke which forced millions of people to flee to safer areas. The whole province and the tribal areas met the same fate.

As a result, entertainment providing companies closed down and the people related the entertainment activities – singers, actors, actresses, etc. – fled the country (as did Haroon Bacha) or simply left the field (as did many others). Two very popular comedians, Mirawas and Alamzeb Mujahid, were abducted and forced into becoming religious preachers. Many others were killed. A young singer, Sardar Yousafzai, was attacked in Malakand but escaped unhurt, though two of his companions wounded.

These bad conditions for Pashto music still prevail in the extremism-hit areas of Pakistan. But, a number of Pakistani singers have still managed to continue their career in singing. Gul Zar Alam announced a comeback after Awami National Party (ANP) won the election in Pashtunkhwa. Nazia Iqbal, the queen of Pashto music, still rules the hearts of music lovers. Sardar Yousafzai and Naeem Tori are becoming more popular. There are new Pashto singers from Pakistani side of the Durand Line, like Zick Afridi, Bakhtiar Khattak, and others. This is because their voices are liked and loved in Afghanistan. Though many of these Pakistani singers do not reside in Afghanistan, the technology has made easy for music lovers to have access to their talent. Their concerts and songs are being played on television and radio channels across Afghanistan and their new video and audio CDs are sold like hot cakes. It does not matter where they reside and do record their songs; the market in Afghanistan pays well and encourages them to continue singing. Pakistani voices now flourish in Afghanistan, as is said that history repeats itself.

‘Afghanistan is the sacred home for all Pashtuns; when we are here, we feel at home. We are respected and our talent is appreciated here, we love this and we love Afghanistan. And most importantly, we pray for peace here,’ said Sardar Yousafzai and Naeem Tori during a recent visit to Kabul, after a concert in a local hotel.

Officials in the eastern Laghman province confirmed that Dr. Abdullah Laghmani, Deputy Director of the National Directorate of Intelligence, was among the dead. Other officials killed in the attack include Head of the Provincial Council and Head of the Religious Affairs Directorate in the province, said spokesman of the provincial governor.

Initially there were reports that Provincial Governor, Lutfullah Mashal, was also killed but the spokesman rejected these as false rumors. Eyewitnesses said the bomber was on foot.

The bomber blew himself up in a ceremony held for inauguration of a central mosque in Mehtar Lam, the provincial capital. Sources said that several of the provincial officials and PRT commanders were present at the ceremony.

The spokesman said more than 20 people, including police and civilians, were killed and over 40 wounded in the attack. The purported spokesman of the Taliban insurgents, Zabiullah Mujahid, while calling from an undisclosed location, took the responsibility for the attack and said his fighters will continue carrying out more similar attacks in the future.