‘A report by the US’s top general [General Stanley McChrystal] in Afghanistan is expected to admit the current strategy is not working,’ reported the BBC on Monday. It is completely true, and the general should be appreciated for admitting the fact without wasting any more time. But the question is: why is it not working?

The admittance comes at a critical moment when the country is breathing in the worst conditions of uncertainty over the growing insurgency, with the fears of its increasing strength in the north and gripping its hold in the south, and a controversial presidential election that has created problems not only between the opponent candidates but between the American and Afghan leadership also.

Unfortunately saying, the strategy that the U.S. General is expected to declare as a failure is not the 8-old strategy that was devised by the old warmonger George Bush; it is the new strategy devised by the current American President, Barack Obama, for a change after the experiences his military commanders had in the field for more than 7 years in Afghanistan.

The failure of this strategy will give the expression that the whole adventure – the invasion and the war on terror – was a failure because perpetrators of the terrorist attacks in the U.S. are still at large, even in a much stronger position, and Afghanistan along with the tribal areas and Pakistan is going back to the situation from which it had started, after the 8 years efforts and spending billions of dollars.

But admitting only the failure will not suffice; the General should also reveal in his report the reasons that undermined the democratic process in the country and all the efforts the international community has made.

In my opinion, this failure was the result of three big mistakes: First, though the democratic process was established, the U.S. and the international players empowered the old warlords and murderers instead of the people -the warlords that were, and still, are responsible for the destruction of this country and its people. Second, the international community could do nothing with the countries that supported and financed terrorism in the region. And third, the corrupt government and its corrupt officials – most of them also the old warlords – who value insecurity, non-development and anarchy so they remain in power and do what they had been doing for decades.

Consequently, the people started feeling the same way as they felt during the previous regimes – under invasion and at the mercy of the same old warlords and murderers. The disappointment was inevitable, which the terrorists used skillfully in their favor.

گزشتہ روز پاکستان کے شہر مينگورہ ميں ايک مبينہ خودکش حملہ آور نے پوليس کے ايک تربيتی مرکز کے اندر خود کو اڑاکر ١٥ پوليس اہلکاروں کو ہلاک کرديا۔ يہ اس ملک ميں طالبان کے ليڈر بيت اللہ محسود کی ھلاکت اور ايک نئے ليڈر کی تقرری کے بعد دوسرا تباہ کن حملہ ہے جس ميں کافی تعداد پوليس اہلکار ہلاک ہوگئے۔ پہلا حملہ صرف دو دن پہلے طورخم ميں ہوا تھا جس ميں اطلاعات کے مطابق ٢٢ اہلکار ہلاک ہوگئے تھے۔

کافی دنوں بعد پاکستان ميں دو متواتر اور تباہ کن حملوں کا سن کر مجھے اس ملک کی پوليس اور طالبان ميں ايک عجيب سی مشابھت دکھائی دی۔ ميں پاکستان ميں کافی عرصہ رہا ہوں اور پوليس اور محکماتی سيسٹم ميں اس روايت سے بخوبی واقف ہوں کہ جب بھی کسی علاقے يا کسی محکمے ميں کسی نئے آفيسر کی تقرری ہوجاتی ہے تو وہاں ايک بھونچال سی آجاتی ہے۔ نيا آفيسر اپنی موجودگی کا احساس دلانے کے لئے پورے ادارے کو ايمانداری سے کام پر لگاديتا ہے اور ہر کام فٹافٹ ہونے لگ جاتا ہے۔ چند ہی دن بعد پھر حالات معمول پر آجاتے ہيں۔

ايسا لگتا ہے کہ پاکستان ميں اس روايت کی پاسداری طالبان کے نئے راہنما بھی کررہے ہيں۔ انہوں نے بھی شايد اپنی موجودگی کا احساس دلانے اور حکومت کو يہ پيغام دينے کے لئے پے درپے خودکش حملوں کا انتظام کيا ہے کہ بيت اللہ محسود اگر نہيں تو کيا ہوا، اس کی فوج اور کمانڈر تو موجود ہيں۔

مگر کہنے والے يہ بھی کہتے ہيں کہ اس ملک ميں جس کا نام پاکستان ہے ‘ہوتا وہی ہے جو منظورٍ آئی ايس آئی ہوتا ہے۔’ ان کے مطابق يہ سارا گيم ہی اس بے تاج بادشاہ کا ہے کہ جسے چاہے مارے يا مروائے اور جسے چاہے زندہ بچا کر رکھے، اور اس بے تاج بادشاہ کا نام آئی ايس آئی ہے۔ اس کھلاڑی بادشاہ نے گيم کو اتنا مغلق اور پيچيدہ بناديا ہے کہ جس کو سمجھ آجائے اس کو يقين نہیں آتا اور جس کو يقين آجائے اس کو سمجھ نہيں آپاتی۔

مگر ہمارے ہاں ايک کھاوت يہ بھی ہے کہ ہوشيار پرندہ ہميشہ دونوں پاؤں سے پھنس جاتا ہے۔ اور جو پھنس جاتا ہے وہ پھر يا تو ذوالفقار علی بھٹو کی طرح ہميشہ کے لئے پھنسا رہ جاتا ہے اور يا پھر اس کے ‘محبوب’ کمانڈر جنرل ضياء الحق کی طرح پھنسا ہی پھنسا ہوا ميں اڑجاتا ہے۔

کره کتنه د ادب يوه مهمه ستن ده. څومره چې په ادب کې شعري او نثري ليکنو ته اړتيا ده د هغې په څو چنده زيات کره کتنې ته اړتيا ده ځکه چې د کره کتنې د شتون په صورت کې ښه او اعلى ادب مخې ته راځي. او کره کتونکى خو ښکاره خبره ده چې بايد يو عالم او نظرلرونکى تن وي. يوه ډېره مشهوره خبره ده چې کره کتونکى د چا د ليکنې کره کتنه کوي بايد له هغه څخه څو چنده زياته پوهه ولري. داسې نه چې يو سړى د قافيې او رديف ترمنځ توپير نشي کولاى، د خاکې او تکل په بېلتون نه پوهېږي، او هغه د صديق پسرلي د شعرونو کره کتنه کوي.

نور

عبدالھادی حيران

افغانستان کی تاريخ کے دوسرے صدارتی انتخابات ہوچکے ہيں اور اب نتائج کا انتظار کيا جارہا ہے۔ غير رسمی نتائج سے سب کو معلوم ہوا ہے کہ ملک بھر ميں طالبان حملوں کی ڈر سے جو کم ووٹ ڈالے گئے ہيں ان ميں صدر حامد کرزئی کا پلڑا دوسرے اميدواروں سے بہت بھاری ہے، مگر سب يہ بھی جانتے ہيں کہ ان کی فتح کے اعلان کے ساتھ ہی خوف ہے کہ ان کے سياسی مخالفين ايسے مسائل کھڑی کرنے کی کوشش کريں گے جن کی ابتداء تو دھاندلی کے الزام لگانے اور ان کے خلاف پُرامن احتجاج سے ہوگی مگر انتہا کچھ بھی ہوسکتی ہے۔

اسی  خوف کو مدنظر رکھتے ہوئے افغانستان کے اليکشن کميشن نے اپنے پہلے ١٠ فيصد رسمی نتائج کے اعلان کے وقت صرف شمالی صوبوں کی گنتی کرکے ايک ايسا طريقہ کار اختيار کيا کہ سردست تو کچھ دن کے لئے صورتحال نارمل رہ جائيگی مگر جيسے ہی جنوبی اور مشرقی صوبوں کے گنتی ہوجاتی ہے اور نتائج کا اعلان کرديا جاتا ہے تو يہ بات يقينی ہے کہ صدر کرزئی کا پلڑا ايک دم بہت بھاری ہوجائيگا۔ اس بات کا اندازہ اس سے بھی لگايا جاسکتا ہے کہ اگر شمالی صوبوں ميں کرزئی کے ووٹ ڈاکٹر عبداللہ سے ٢ فيصد زيادہ ہيں تو جنوبی صوبوں ميں ظاہر ہے کہ يہ فيصدی بہت اوپر چلی جائيگی۔

دھاندلی اور فراڈ

صدر کرزئی کے سوا تمام اميدواروں، کئی مبصرين اور بہت لوگوں کا خيال ہے کہ انتخابات ميں بڑے پيمانے پر دھاندلی ہوئی ہے۔ ايسی رپورٹس بھی موصول ہوئی ہيں کہ کئی صوبوں ميں مقامی حکام نے ووٹروں کو صدر کرزئی کو ووٹ دينے پر مجبور کيا تھا۔ اس کے علاوہ الزامات لگائے گئے ہيں کہ جنوبی صوبوں ميں صدر کرزئی کے حاميوں نے نہ صرف ووٹروں کو بلکہ اليکشن کميشن کے عملہ کو بھی خريدليا تھا۔

ان الزامات ميں کچھ حد تک سچائی تو اس لئے پائی جاتی ہے کہ اليکشن سے پہلے ہی ايسی مستند رپورٹس منظرعام پر آئی تھیں کہ کئی صوبوں کے گورنر صدر کرزئی کے لئے اليکشن کمپاين چلارہے تھے۔ خود اليکشن کميشن نے تسليم کيا ہے کہ دھاندلی کے ٥٥ الزامات شديد نوعيت کے ہيں اور امکان ہے کہ وہ انتخابات کے نتائج پر اثر انداز ہوجائيں۔

اس کا نتيجہ يہ نکلے گا کہ اگر صدر کرزئی کی کاميابی کا اعلان کردياگيا تو دوسرے صدارتی اميدوار اور ان کے حامی اسے تسليم نہيں کريں گے۔ اس معاملے ميں زيادہ امکان ہے کہ عوام نتائج تسليم نہ کرنے والوں اميدواروں کا ساتھ دے ديں کيونکہ کرزئی نے انتخابات کی دوڑ ميں جنرل رشيد دوستم اور جنرل قسيم فھيم جيسے لوگوں کو اپنے صف ميں کھڑا کرکے اپنی مقبوليت کا گراف مزيد گراديا ہے۔

دوسرا راؤنڈ

مگر اس سے پہلے کہ صدر حامد کرزئی اور ڈاکٹر عبداللہ کے حامی نتائج پر گتھم گتھا ہوجائے، قوی امکان يہ ہے کہ کوئی بھی اميدوار پچاس فيصد ووٹ حاصل نہ کرسکے گا اور بات دوسرے راؤنڈ تک پہنچ جائے گی۔ اگر ايسا ہوگيا، اور عام خيال يہ ہے کہ عالمی برادری ايسا ہی چاہتی ہے، تو اس کے کچہ فائدے مگر کافی زيادہ نقصانات برآمد ہوں گے۔ سب سے بڑا نقصان يہ ہے کہ دوسرا مقابلہ صرف کرزئی اور ڈاکٹر عبداللہ کے درميان ہوگا جسے پشتون اور تاجک قوموں کے درميان مقابلہ سمجھا جائيگا۔ نتيجتاً ان دونوں قوموں کے درميان پہلے سے موجود خليج مزيد بڑھ جائیگی۔ تب بھی اس امکان کو رد نہيں کيا جاسکتا کہ ہارنے والا اميدوار ايک بار پھر نتائج کو تسليم کرنے سے انکار کردے۔ يہ معاملہ پھر ايران کی طرح کی صورتحال کو جنم دے سکتا ہے جس کی افغان شکل بے شک کافی بدتر ہوسکتی ہے اور جس کے برے اثرات اس ريجن کی مجموعی صورتحال پر مرتب ہوں گے۔

لا د افغانستان د تاريخ د دوهمو ولسمشريزو ټاکنو پايلې په رسمي توګه نه وې اعلان شوې چې د دې هېواد د اتو کالو راهيسې ولسمشر حامد کرزي او افغانستان او پاکستان لپاره د اوباما د ځانګړي استازي ريچرډ هولبروک ترمنځ د تاوتريخووالي خبرونه ورکړل شول. ويل کېږي چې تاوتريخوالى له ډېر پخوا راهيسې موجود و خو يوې خوا ته يې هم نه سم تاو ليدل کېده او نه تريخوالى؛ بس د شونډو لاندې د يو بل پر ضد يو څه تروې تروې اشارې کېدلې.

 

خو د ټولټاکنو په خرابه وضعه کې ترسره کېدو او بيا تراوسه پورې د پايلو په سر ناندريو دواړو لوريو ته موقعه په لاس ورکړه چې خپل تاو او تريخوالى څرګند کړي. همدا وه چې دلته په کابل کې د ښاغلي ولسمشر وياند او نږدې خلکو او اخوا په واشنګټن کې د هولبروک ملګرو د خپل خپل لوري په ګټه دا خبره څرګنده کړه چې تاو تريخوالى موجود دى.

 

د امريکايي ورځپاڼې نيو يارک ټايمز د يوه تازه راپور له مخې ولسمشر حامد کرزى، چې ښايي په ټاکنو کې پنځوس په سلو کې رايې ترلاسه نه کړي او کومې چې ترلاسه کړي هغه هم د جنګسالارانو د ملګرتيا له امله مشکوکې دي، نو دا يو طلايي چانس په لاس ورغى چې افغانانو ته وښيي چې امريکا د ټاکنو په پروسه کې لاسوهنه کوي او په داسې حال کې چې افغانانو هغه ته رايې ورکړې دي امريکايان يې اوس په خپلسري ډول کار کولو ته نه پرېږدي.

 

مګر د هولبروک د ډلې دليل دا دى چې په ټولټاکنو کې نه يواځې د طالبانو د بريدونو د ډار له امله خلکو په هغه ولوله برخه وانه خيستله په کومه چې پکار و، بلکې په پراخه کچه درغلي هم پکې وشوله نو لدې امله اوس يوه پيچلې وضعه رامنځته شوې ده: که د حامد کرزي د بري اعلان وشي نو دموکراسي او انتخابي پروسه خپل ارزښت له لاسه ورکوي او په راتلونکي کې به څوک پرې باور نه کوي؛ د دې تر څنګ يو بل مشکل دا دى چې د هغه مخالف کانديدان، په ځانګړې توګه د ډاکټر عبدالله پلويان، دې ته تيار ندي چې د حامد کرزي برى ومني.

 

مګر که د بل چا د بري اعلان کېږي نو هغه خو د حقيقت نه ليرې خبره ده ځکه چې کومې رايې اچول شوې دي په هغو کې ولسمشر کرزي د پرېکنده اکثريت رايې اخيستې دي. اوس امريکايان غواړي چې د ټولټاکنو دوهمه دوره د حامد کرزي او ډاکټر عبدالله ترمنځ وشي. په دې کې ښايي د امريکا او نړيوالو دوه اهداف وي: يو دا چې په څه طريقه د ډاکټر عبدالله تله درنه کړي او د ولسمشرۍ خولۍ ور په سر کړي، يا بل هدف دا کېداى شي چې په انتخابي پروسه د خلکو باور پېدا کړي.

 

له ښه بخته ولسمشر حامد کرزى اوس په داسې کرښه ولاړ دى چې د امريکايانو سره د تاو تريخوالي لپاره دليلونه په لاس کې لري. هغه داسې چې د ټاکنو په ورځ د رايو ورکول لا سر ته نه وو رسېدلي چې د امريکا ولسمشر باراک اوباما او ملګرو ملتونو په ډېره بيړه دا اعلان وکړ چې په افغانستان کې انتخابي پروسه ډېره بريالۍ وه. ولسمشر اوباما ته ښايي يا خو چا وخت ناسم ښودلى و؛ ښايي هغه دا فکر کړى و چې په افغانستان کې به اوس شپه وي، او يا د هغه په رخصتۍ تللو ته بيړه وه نو دا يو مهم بيان يې ژر ژر ورکړ او ځان يې خلاص کړ.

 

هر څه چې وو، د ولسمشر اوباما دغه خبره ثبت شوې ده او اوس ترې هغه انکار نشي کولى. اوس دا د ولسمشر حامد کرزي لپاره يو غټ دليل دى: که انتخابي پروسه د ولسمشر اوباما په نظر بريالۍ وه، او په دغې بريالۍ پروسه کې ښکاره خبره ده چې د حامد کرزي رايې زياتې دي نو بيا پکې د هولبروک څه کار دى چې وايي دويمه دوره دې هم ترسره شي؟ دا د کرزي د ډلې لپاره يو مهم دليل دى.

 

بل دليل دا دى چې که هولبروک لږ هم په جيګ غږ خبره وکړي نو کرزى صيب تاوتريخوالي جوړولو ته خامخا بډې راوهي ځکه چې دغه تاو تريخوالى په سياسي مېدان کې د هغه په ګټه پاى ته رسي: په دې مانا چې هغه نه يواځې افغانانو بلکې نړيوالو ته هم دا دليل په لاس ورکولى شي چې هولبروک او د هغه امريکايي ډله د افغانستان په داخلي چارو کې ګوتې وهي او په داسې حال کې چې هغه د افغانانو لخوا انتخاب شوى دى دوى اوس پسې راخيستې ده او نه يې پرېږدي چې د افغانانو د رايو درناوى وکړي.

 

اوس په لانجه کې د دواړو خواوو خپل خپل اهداف څرګند دي مګر کتل دا پکار دي چې دواړه خواوې د دې شخړې څه حل راوباسي او که نه نوره يې پسې تودوي. د وضعې نه خو دا اندازه اخيستل ګران نه دي چې لانجه اوږدول که څه هم د يوې خوا لپاره به يو څه موقتي ګټه ولري خو منفي اغېز به يې د دواړو خواوو لپاره د تباهۍ کندې ته غورځېدل وي ځکه چې نه امريکايان په اوسني حالت کې د افغانانو ښکاره دښمني په سر اخيستلى شي او نه به د افغانستان د موجوده يا راتلونکي حکومت لپاره داسې کول د هوښيارۍ قدم وګڼل شي.

د “مکلاچي” په نامه يوې امريکايي ورځپاڼې په خپل يو تازه راپور کې خبر ورکړى چې طالبان د افغانستان په شمالي ولايتونو کې خپل حضور کرار کرار زياتوي او تر دا مهال يې د کندوز او بغلان په درېو داسې ولسواليو کې خپله واکمني ټينګه کړې ده چې پښتانه پکې اوسېږي. راپور زياتوي چې طالبان په شمال کې د ٣٠٠ نه تر ٦٠٠ تنو پورې جنګيالي لري کومو چې په بهرنيو قواوو خپل بريدونه تېز کړي دي او د هغوى تر واک لاندې ولسواليو کې پوستې هم لري.

دا راپور وايي چې طالبانو د اګست په شلمه د افغانستان د ټولټاکنو په ورځ د شمال په ځينو ولايتونو کې ډېر بريدونه وکړل  او په دې وتوانېدل چې خلک له رايو ورکولو منع کړي. راپور د بغلان د والي محمد اکبر بارکزي په حواله ويلي چې طالبان په اصل کې نړۍ ته ښودل غواړي چې هغوى يواځې د افغانستان په جنوب کې نه بلکې په هره برخه کې هم ګډوډي راوستلى شي. والي وايي چې دا يوه غټه ستونځه ده چې د حل کولو لپاره يې پوره ځواکونه په لاس کې نه لري.

د راپور له مخې په شمالي ولايتونو کې د طالبانو فعاليتونه زياتېدل د امريکايانو د سر لپاره يو نوى درد جوړ شوى دى ځکه چې هغوى تراوسه پورې لا په دې ندي توانېدلي چې په جنوبي ولايتونو کې د طالبانو حضور له ناکامۍ سره مخ کړي. راپور همداراز وايي چې ښايي په شمال کې د طالبانو مخ پر زياتېدونکى حضور د پښتنو او تاجکو ترمنځ هم غټې ستونځې راولاړې کړي.

برسېره پر دې يوه بله غټه ستونڅه چې ورځپاڼې ورته اشاره کړې دا ده چې ښايي د القاعده جنګيالي په شمال کې د طالبانو تر واک لاندې سيمو کې په فعاليتونو پېلولو سره په ازبکستان او تاجکستان کې مشکلات پېدا کړي. راپور بغلان څخه د پارليمان د يو وکيل هلال الدين هلال په حواله وايي چې “القاعده په شمال کې يو مرکز جوړول غواړي. القاعده هلته د طالبانو ملاتړ کوي ځکه چې هغه د منځنۍ اسيا سره علاقمندي لري.”

Pashto (پښتو), also called Pakhto, Pashtu, Pakhtu, Paxto, Paxtu, Pushto, Pushtu, Pukhtu, or Puxtu, is the first official language of Afghanistan spoken by the majority ethnic population of the country, the Pashtuns or Pashtoons, in Pashtunkhwa (North West Frontier) Province of Pakistan and by the Pashtun Diaspora around the world (an estimate says that 40 hundred thousands Pashtuns live only in Karachi, Pakistan’s biggest city). This ancient language belongs to the Eastern-Iranian branch of the Indo-Iranian language family. There is a particular focus on learning this literature-rich language of the Afghans due to the ongoing war on terror and the increasing interest of the world to learn about the language, the Pashtuns, their culture and customs.

 Learning Pashto is as learning any language of the world: the learners have to have an interest in the language and its culture, willingness to learn and access to resources they need. As the Pashto language has never enjoyed patronage of any emperor or any powerful and independent state throughout history, but had been a target of the regional powers until late, and has managed to survive through continuous attempts against its existence, there are not as much learning resources available for it as for the other languages of the world. Yet enough books of grammar, about the usage of the language, and dictionaries from Pashto to other languages and vice versa have been written and printed and are available today that can help those who are keen to achieve their goals.

 Fortunately, for Pashto learners around the world who do not have access to the printed material, there are online resources which can be proved helpful and useful in improving their reading, writing and speaking skills of Pasho. There are websites which have free libraries where you may find books about Pashto grammar, usage, general information, proverbs, idioms, etymology, etc. On other websites you can listen to music, news programs, and political discussions and so on. Regular visits to these websites and practicing your reading and writing will improve your skills in no time.

 Useful websites

 www.qamosona.com. Qamoos (قاموس) or seend (سيند) means dictionary in Pashto. This website has several free dictionaries from/to Pashto. You can download them or use tehm online.

 www.mylanguageexchange.com. On this website you can find or become a language partner. If you are English speaking and want to find someone who speaks Pashto for language and help exchange, just sign up and do a search. You will find Pashto speaking people who want to meet English speaking people to improve their English. There are other similar websites, such as www.sharedtalk.com, which you can find by googling ‘language partner.’

 Reading Pashto

 To identify Pashto alphabets and their sounds, this wikipedia article may help you (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pashto_language). And this is more useful (http://www.omniglot.com/writing/pashto.htm). Here are complete lessons with pronunciations and pictures. (http://www.afghanan.net/pashto/pashto/learn/phon.htm). After identifying the alphabets, you can visit these websites to read Pashto articles and discussions: www.tolafghan.com, www.benawa.com, www.taand.com, and www.romaal.com. Pajhwok Afghan News (www.pajhwok.com) publishes the same news stories in both English and Pashto and in Dari as well. But you have to subscribe to access. www.tolafghan.com has a library (کتابتون) where you access free books. And there is a forum (د بحث فورمونه) where you can discuss things with other members, primarily Pashtuns. The same you can do at www.khyberwatch.com forum.

 Listening to Pashto

 Listening to Pashto programs can improve your understanding and speaking skills of the language. www.bbcpashto.com, www.voadeewa.com, and www.azadiradio.org can help you in this. You can listen to Pashto music on www.mastana.net and watch videos on www.youtube.com. Several more websites also have similar content which you can find by searching on google. (Do not search for sex or pornographic material in Pashto as you will find nothing).

 The use of Pashto ya (د پښتو ياگانو استعمال)

 There are five yas (ياگانې) used in Pashto: ى، ي، ې، ئ، ۍ Following are some examples for the proper usage of each:

 ى is called small ya and is used primarily in singular words. It is silent if it comes after alif (ا), for example, خداى (God), ځاى (place). Examples of its usage in singular words:

 سړى (man); منګى (pottery water-pot); ملګرى (colleague)

زما ورور زما ملګرى هم دى

My brother is also my colleague.

 Hint: In the Pashto script that is used in Pakistan, ے is used instead of ى. So they write the above words like this: سړے, منګے, ملګرے.

ي called big ya and is used primarily in plural words. Examples:

 سړي (men); منګي (pottery water-pots); ملګري (colleagues)

انجلۍ دوه منګي په سر کړي دي

The girl is carrying two water-pots.

 When it is not used at the end of the word, it is not necessary to be used only in plural words. Examples:

 مينه (love); حسينه (beautiful); مشين (machine)

 ې called soft ya and is used primarily in words with deep sound. Examples:

 سندرې (songs); پاڼې (pages); پستې (soft); وړې (small)

 When it is not used at the end of the word, it is not necessary to be used only in plural words. Examples:

 مېنه (house; fort); پېغله (a maid);

 ئ is another Pashto ya used only in words of command. Examples:

 لاړ شئ (go), مه ځئ (do not go), کار بس کړئ (stop working)

که غواړئ چې بريالي شئ نو زيار وکاږئ.

If you want to succeed, work hard.

 ۍ is the fifth and last ya used primarily in feminine words. Examples:

انجلۍ (a girl), سپوږمۍ (the moon), کورنۍ (a family).

ما د ښاپېرۍ کيسه ولوسته.

I read the fairy tale.

 Remember that this ya is used only at the end of the words.

 Pashto vocabulary

 Here is some general and technical Pashto vocabulary you may find helpful.

 Ghag (غږ): voice; sound

Atann (اتڼ): dance

Shaer (شاعر): poet

Kitab (کتاب): book

Tolga (ټولگه): collection

Loomray (لومړى): first

Chaap (چاپ): print

Daaley (ډالۍ): present; gift

Moar (مور): mother

Plar (پلار): father

Wror (ورور): brother

Khor (خور): sister

Aokhai (اوښى): brother-in-law

Kheena (ښينه): sister-in-law

Khusar (خسر): father-in-law

Khwakhey (خواښې): mother-in-law

Trah (تره): uncle (father’s brother)

Mama (ماما): uncle (mother’s brother)

Da trah zoye (د تره ځوى): cousin (male)

Da trah loor (د تره لور): cousin (female)

Wraz (ورځ): day

Shpah (شپه): night

Miasht (مياشت): month

Kall (کال): year

Halak (هلک): boy

Kor (کور): home; house

Zhond (ژوند): life

Khog, khozh (خوږ): sweet, dear

Zrah (زړه): heart

Lass (لاس): hand

Pakha (پښه): foot

Khidmat (خدمت): service

Dard (درد): pain

Leekwal (ليکوال): writer

Hewad (هېواد): country

Musiqi (موسيقي): music

Ghareeb (غريب): poor

Khukalai (ښکلى): smart

Khukale (ښکلې): beautiful, attractive

Jannat (جنت): paradise

Shpelai (شپېلۍ): flute

Shoondey (شونډې): lips

Rooh (روح): soul

Ghar (غر): hill

Zmaka (ځمکه): earth, land

Pattai (پټى): field

Jagrah (جګړه): war

Shkharah (شخړه): conflict

Deewa (ډيوه): candle

Zhaba (ژبه): tongue

Muska (موسکا): smile

Khanda (خندا): laugher

Mazi or ter wakh (ماضي يا تېر وخت): past

Ratloonkai (راتلونکى): future

Khoowanzai or Shoowanzai (ښوونځى): school

Wolaswali (ولسوالي): district

Welayat or ayalat (ولايت يا ايالت): province; state

Zaroorat or arrtiya ( ضرورت يا اړتيا): need

Maloomat (مالومات): information

 If you need anything else, or have a question or any suggestion, please write it down below in the comments section. I or someone else will answer your questions and will try to provide you the information you need. I hope we will have an informative and useful discussion here about how to learn Pashto. You also can post links to online materials that you think are useful for learning Pashto. If you are a Pashtun, and you are fluent in your language and have experience in teaching it or have time to teach it, write your name and email address in the comments section below and the Pashto learners will contact you.

It was Monday morning, the first working day in Pakistan. Though he lived at district Batikot, which belongs to Afghanistan’s eastern Nangrahar province, as a journalist and reporter he was based in Peshawar, capital of the troubled North West Frontier Province of Pakistan where the militants have been running amok for past many years. The road between Torkham and Peshawar is known as an insecure highway where several militant outfits rule, yet thousands of the people from the two countries pass through it on a daily basis to meet with each other and carry out their duties. He was one of them, traveling in a public minibus, apparently trying to avoid attention because he was threatened for his criticism of the terror acts and he had been living under constant threats. Most of the travelers on this highway hire new model toady corollas for a comfortable trip as the battered road now lies in its worst conditions. Only the poor people who can’t afford a corolla travel in the minibuses. Hashimzada may have thought that his assailants will search him in the corollas and will not give a thought to the minibuses because he was not that poor to travel in a battered minibus. But his assassins it seems were well aware of his traveling plans. They intercepted the minibus near the Jamrud area and shot him dead. In just two minutes they ruthlessly silenced a voice which had taken more than 20 years in becoming what it was on Monday morning. After murdering him, the terrorists fled unnoticed as they always do.

In Peshawar, Mr. Hashimzada worked for Shamshad Afghan television channel, Pajhwok Afghan News (PAN) and many more media outfits including the Associated Press (AP). Officials of both Shamshad and Pajwhok said they were aware that their murdered reporter was threatened by the militants. One may ask them why they did not try to provide him protection or arrange for his safety. The journalists’ associations such as South Asia Free Media Association (SAFMA), the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) and others also wait for news of a journalist or reporter’s murder so they have the opportunity to issue a statement. Beyond that, they do nothing; though they always live in luxury compounds. I had a personal experience of this indifference and apathy. Some two years back, I was threatened by some unknown people for an article I had written in Pashto and was published on a Pashto website. I was worried. A friend advised me to seek help from SAFMA and CPJ. I did. I was extremely shocked when they told me in a very indifferent and stupid manner that they will only do something after I was attacked or harmed.

‘What will you do then?’ I asked.

‘We will issue a statement and do what we can,’ was the reply.

I laughed and left, and lost belief in these things, so may have Janullah Hashimzada. According to all media reports, he was threatened by the militants. So it was well-known that he was threatened and his travel in the coach indicates that the threats were of a serious nature.

I knew him from a very long time, since I first started reading Pashto newspapers and magazines. The well-known daily Wahdat carried a good piece of story every day with his byline during my days in Karachi, Pakistan. In 2004 we shifted to Peshawar and I started working with Wahdat as sub-editor. Janullah had been working as a reporter there. On my first day, a man entered the newsroom while talking on two cell phones at the same time. On one he spoke in Arabic and on the other in Urdu. The News Editor introduced us to one another. He knew me because hundreds of my articles were published in the pages of Wahdat and some in daily Sahar, another Pashto newspaper with which he had worked as reporter. His news stories were always interested because he always wrote on current affairs, policies and the regional politics. He had acquaintances with several top jihadi commanders and was well-aware of the regional games. He was very active and bold.

During later years, he interviewed many of the Al-Qaeda, Hizb-e-Islami Gulbuddin (HIG) and Taliban commanders (both Pakistani and Afghan) and criticized their policies in his reports. He was also a journalism student these days. He was 40 when the murderers took his life. The terrorists may have succeeded in silencing his voice, but they have awakened the conscience of the journalists who will always work for the truth.

As the security situation has been deteriorating in the region, the journalists face more threats of violence from all sides involved in the conflict. Janullah was the third journalist I personally knew who became a target. I was in Peshawar when another Afghan journalist, Sami Yousafzai, was attacked and wounded by the militants. That attack took place in Hayatabad when he and a Japani journalist were on their way to Jamrud to interview a militant commander. And Rehman Bunairee was a Pakistani journalist. We worked in a weekly Urdu newspaper called Roshan-e-Pakistan in Karachi. His home was blown up by the militants in Buner area and he is currently held in the United States.

• At polling centers, the number of representatives of candidates, foreign observers and media people was higher than the voters.

• Most of the voters did not know about the candidates for provincial seats. They thought the election was just for electing the new president. After casting their vote for the presidential candidate, when the election commission employees told them that they had to vote for any of the provincial candidate too, they were surprised at first, then randomly selected one candidate from the list and voted.

• At the polling center at Habibia High School, Karta-e-3, an elderly man told me he had voted for President Karzai. Minutes later another presidential candidate, Dr. Ashraf Ghani, arrived there and, after casting his vote, started meeting with voters. The elderly man met with him enthusiastically, praised his role in the country’s development and told him that he liked him very much. When Dr. Ghani left the polling center, I asked the elderly man why he voted for Karzai if he liked Dr. Ghani that much. ‘It is simple. I like Ghani, but I voted for Karzai because he had the required experience for a president and knew how to rule the country,’ he replied.

• There were people who campaigned for other candidates but ended up voting for Karzai. One of them said he did this because he knew President Karzai was going to win. ‘I did not like the idea of my vote going to a loser.’

• A friend told me that some Pashtoon voters did not like Karzai’s policies and government, yet they voted for him just because they did not want to see Dr. Abdullah as a winner. Many of the voters of this mentality, according to my friend, said: ‘If we voted for Dr. Ashraf Ghani, Pashtoon votes will be divided and Dr. Abdullah will win the election.’

• Turnout was low but very few of the voters who went to polling centers had any fears of the Taliban attacks. They were excited and many of them waited for many hours outside the polling centers to have some information about the results.

• A television crew wanted to show their audience that the turnout was high. So they lined up the voters, including those who had polled their votes, and filmed the scene.

The U.N. and the U.S. wasted no time in declaring the election a success. True that the violence during the election process was not of much significance, in terms of its inability to hinder the process completely, but the fear that the Taliban were able to instill into the hearts of the voters before election day resulted in a low turnout across the country; even lower than expected in southern and southeastern provinces where the insurgents have control over several districts. They had threatened to cut off fingers found with the voting ink on.

According to latest reports, the vote count has been completed, the official results are yet not out, but both President Hamid Karzai and his rival Dr. Abdullah Abdullah claimed victory over one another last night. Other candidates blamed officials for rigging on a massive scale. Of course, irregularities, flaws in the process and other problems were reported from all over the country.

The country as well as the world is now impatiently waiting for the results to know who the winner was. Unofficial results and surveys show Mr. Karzai and Abdullah neck-and-neck in some provinces and Mr. Karzai much ahead in others. Two strong possibilities emerge as a result: a runoff if none of the candidates had the required votes; and a tension if one candidate got the majority votes and the other refused to accept his victory; this is the case most likely if President Karzai was declared a winner.

This is a very complicated situation now. By now it is clear that the winner is either Karzai or Abdullah. If the official announcement of the results provokes the failed one of them and it incites violence or stirs up tension which will eventually end up as a conflict between the Pashtoons and the Tajiks, or between the South and the North, it will divide the country and will harm the efforts against terrorism immensely, not only in Afghanistan, but in the whole region.

In the north, the notorious warlord, Gen. Abdul Rashid Dostum, has backed President Karzai in the election, while a powerful Governor of the Balkh province, Ustad Atta Mohammad Noor, campaigned for Dr. Abdullah. A tension on the election results may provoke Gen. Dostum and his Uzbek militia to act violently. He is already unhappy with the U.S. embassy statements about his return from Turkey. But in general view, his return contributed to the perception that the election was contested on the ground of warlordism, not democratic manners. This increased some people’s contempt towards the election process in Afghanistan.

With these uncertainties prevailing in the election aftermath, the international community, particularly the U.N. and the U.S., need to recognize the need of a broad based strategy that is acceptable to both sides and, more importantly, workable and effective in situations of this nature. This step is particularly important because if a conflict arises from this tension, it will have very unsuccessful and disastrous results for a ‘successful’ election.